Tag Archives: China

Prospects for Electric Vehicles look increasingly good

Electric vehicles update

Indicators emerging over the last 18 months increase the likelihood of plug-in vehicles becoming predominant over the next 20 years.  However, continuing strong policy support is necessary to achieve this.

Several indicators have recently emerged for longer term sales of plug-in vehicles (electric vehicles and plug-in hybrids).  These include targets set by governments and projections by analysts and manufacturers.

The chart shows these indicators compared with three scenarios for the growth of plug-in vehicles globally if policy drivers are strong.  (The scenarios are based on those I published around 18 months ago, and have been slightly updated for this post – see the end of this post and previous post for details.) The green lines show the share of sales, and the blue lines show the share of the total vehicle stock.  Other indicators are marked on the chart as diamonds, shown in green as they correspond to the green lines.  I’ve excluded some projections from oil companies as they appear unrealistic.

The scenarios show plug in vehicles sales in 2040 at between just over half and nearly all of new light vehicles.  However the time taken for the vehicle fleet to turn over means that they are a smaller proportion of the fleet, accounting for between a third and about three quarters of the light vehicle fleet by 2040.  The large range of the scenarios reflects the large uncertainties involved, but they all show plug-in vehicles becoming predominant over the next 20 years or so.

The indicators shown are all roughly in line with the scenario range (see detailed notes at the end of this post), giving additional confidence that the scenario range is broadly realistic, although the challenges of achieving growth towards the upper end of the range remain formidable.  Some of the projections by manufacturers and individual jurisdictions are towards the top end of the range, but the global average may be lower.

Chart.  Growth of sales of Plug-in light vehicles

 

The transition will of course need to be accompanied by continuing decarbonisation of the power sector to meet greenhouse gas emissions reduction goals.

Maintaining the growth of electric vehicle sales nevertheless looks likely to require continuing regulatory drivers, at least for the next 15 years or so.  This will include continuing tightening emissions standards on CO2 and NOx and enabling charging infrastructure.  If these things are done then the decarbonisation of a major source of emissions thus now seems well within sight.

Adam Whitmore – 13th October 2017

 

 

Background and notes

This background section gives further information on the data shown on the chart.  In some cases it is unclear from the reports whether projections are for pure electric vehicles only or also include plug-in hybrids.

Developments in regulation

Policy in many countries seems increasingly to favour plug-in vehicles.  Some recent developments are summarised in the table below.   These policy positions for the most part still need to be backed by solid implementation programmes.  Nevertheless they appear to increase the probability that growth will lie within the envelope of the projections shown above, which are intended to correspond to a world of strong policy drivers towards electrification.

Policy developments 

Jurisdiction Policy commitment
UK Prohibit sale of new cars with internal combustion engines by 2040[1]
France Prohibit sale of new cars with internal combustion engines by 2040[2]
Norway All new sales electric by 2025[3]
India All cars electric by 2030 (which appears unrealistic so goal may be modified, for example to new cars)[4]
China Reportedly considering a prohibition on new petrol and diesel.  Date remains to be confirmed, but target is for 20% of the market to be electric by 2025.[5]

 

Sales

The market is currently growing rapidly from a low base.  Total vehicle sales were 0.73 million in 2016, compared with 0.58 million in 2015.  Six countries have reached over 1% electric car market share in 2016: Norway, the Netherlands, Sweden, France, the United Kingdom and China. Norway saw 42% of sales being EVs in June 2017

Manufacturers’ projections

Several manufacturers have issued projections for the share of their sales they expect to be for plug-in vehicles.  Some of these are shown in the table.

Manufacturers’ projections for sales of plug-in vehicles

 

Manufacturer Target/expectation for plug-in vehicles
Volkswagen 20-25% of sales by 2025[6]
Volvo All new models launched from 2019[7]
PSA ( Peugeot and Citroen brands) 80% percent of models electrified by 2023[8]

 

Clearly individual manufacturers’ projections may not be achieved, and to some extent the statements may be designed to reassure shareholders that they are not missing an opportunity.  So far European manufacturers have been slow to develop EVs.  Also these manufacturers may not representative of the market as a whole.  Other companies may progress more slowly.

However others may proceed more quickly.  As has been widely reported, Tesla has taken over 500,000 advanced orders for its Model 3 EV, itself equivalent to almost the entire market for electric vehicles in 2015.  And in line with the Chinese Government’s targets manufacturers in China are expected to increase production rapidly.

Projections by other observers

Projections by other observers are in most cases now in line with the scenairos shown here.

  • Morgan Stanley project 7% of global sales by 2025[9]
  • BNP Paribas project 11% of global sales by 2025, 26% by 2030[10]
  • JP Morgan profject 35% of sales by 2025 and 48% of sales by 2030[11]
  • Last year Bloomberg’s projections showed growth to be slower than with these projections. However they have since updated their analysis, showing 54% of new cars being electric by 2040[12].
  • DNV.GL recently published analysis showing EV’s accounting for half of sales globally by 2033, in line with the mid case in this analysis.

In contrast BP predicts much slower growth in their projections[13].  However BP’s view seems implausibly low in any scenario in which regulatory drivers towards EVs are as strong as they appear to be.  Exxon Mobil gives lower projections still, while OPEC’s are a little above BP’s but still well below the low case shown here.[14].

Notes on changes to projections since May 2016

These projections are updated from my post last year but the differences over the next 15 years are comparatively minor.  The projections are for light vehicles, so exclude trucks and buses.  Note that percentage growth in early years has been faster than shown by the s-curve model – however this is likely to prove a result of the choice of a simple function.  What matters most for emissions reductions is the growth from now and in particular through the 2020s.

Assumption change Rationale
Higher saturation point Continuing advances in batteries reduce the size of the remaining niche for internal combustion engine vehicles
Longer time to saturation The higher saturation point will need additional time to reach.
Somewhat slower growth in total numbers of vehicles Concerns about congestion and changed modes of ownership and use are assumed to lead to lower growth in the total vehicle stock over time.  This tends to make a certain percentage penetrations easier to achieve because the percentage applies to fewer vehicles.

 

 

[1] http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-40723581

[2] http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-40518293

[3] http://fortune.com/2016/06/04/norway-banning-gas-cars-2025/

[4] https://electrek.co/2016/03/28/india-electric-cars-2030/

[5] http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-41218243

[6] http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-36548893

[7] https://www.media.volvocars.com/global/en-gb/media/pressreleases/210058/volvo-cars-to-go-all-electric

[8] http://www.nasdaq.com/video/psa-prepared-for-electric-vehicle-disruption–says-ceo-59b80a969e451049f87653d9

[9] https://www.economist.com/news/business/21717070-carmakers-face-short-term-pain-and-long-term-gain-electric-cars-are-set-arrive-far-more

[10] https://www.economist.com/news/business/21717070-carmakers-face-short-term-pain-and-long-term-gain-electric-cars-are-set-arrive-far-more

[11] https://www.cnbc.com/2017/08/22/jpmorgan-thinks-the-electric-vehicle-revolution-will-create-a-lot-of-losers.html

[12] https://about.bnef.com/electric-vehicle-outlook/

[13] https://www.bp.com/en/global/corporate/energy-economics/energy-outlook.html

[14] https://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21726069-no-need-subsidies-higher-volumes-and-better-chemistry-are-causing-costs-plummet-after

Will carbon pricing in China be regional or national?

Regional differences are already an important feature of carbon pricing in China.  These differences seem unlikely to stop the emergence of carbon pricing across the country, but prices and scheme designs may continue to vary between regions for many years.  Something may emerge with characteristics between the complete integration of the EUETS and the diversity of provincial schemes in Canada.

Policy developments in China, the world’s largest greenhouse gas emitter, are critical to global prospects for limiting climate change.  The trial emission trading schemes being implemented in seven provinces and cities, accounting for around a quarter of the economy, are, taken together, by far the world’s largest carbon pricing system, after the EUETS.  However wealth and economic structure are very different across China.  The seven trial schemes are in the richer eastern and central parts of the country, with as yet nothing equivalent in poorer provinces.  This raises the question of whether economic diversity will be a barrier to establishing national carbon pricing in China.

A unified emissions trading scheme might prove possible despite differences in wealth.  The chart below compares the percentage variation in GDP per capita across the twenty-seven countries in the EU with the thirty-one provinces in China in 2030 (see note below chart for details).   The variation between rich and poor countries in the EU is substantial. The three richest countries (Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands) have per capita incomes around 4.8 times those of the three poorest (Bulgaria, Romania and Poland).  The range of incomes among China’s provinces is slightly smaller, with the three richest provinces, the cities of Tianjin, Shanghai and Beijing, having incomes around 4.5 times those of the three poorest (Gansu, Yunnan and Guizhou).  However the variation in the middle of the income range is greater in China.  Thus, very broadly, the variation in incomes across China is comparable to that across the EU.  As it has been possible to establish and maintain a unified emissions trading scheme across the EU with its diversity of income then it may be possible to establish something similar in China.

Relative wealth chart

The countries/provinces are arranged in order of increasing GDP per capita.  The horizontal axis shows the cumulative proportion of the population in countries/provinces with GDP per capita below a certain level, relative to the national mean per capita GDP (population weighted average across provinces/countries).  The vertical axis shows the relative GDP per capita of countries/provinces.  The blue arrows indicate the positions of the Chinese provinces with trial ETSs.  Data sources are World Bank and China NBS Database.  Data for China is for 31 provinces (taken to include the 22 provinces – Taiwan being excluded – 5 autonomous regions and 4 municipalities). Hong Kong and Macau are excluded.  Data for the EU is for the 27 Members States.  Data is for 2011 in both cases. 

Furthermore, emissions trading creates the potential for transfers of wealth from richer to poorer provinces.  If richer provinces in China have more demanding emissions caps they may buy in allowances from the less prosperous provinces, transferring funds in the process.  Such differences in stringency may to some extent resemble the EU’s burden sharing agreements.  Wealth transfer may stimulate further economic integration and convergence, especially if there is also a transfer of administrative infrastructure and capabilities to less developed provinces as part of the process of building a national scheme.

These considerations lend credibility to a scenario in which there is a single national scheme with uniform prices, but different stringencies of cap in different provinces, and perhaps different allocations of allowances to industry and other sectors across different provinces.  Coverage of sectors and facilities may also vary between provinces.

Nevertheless, even in the EU diversity of economic circumstances is proving an obstacle to reform of the EUETS, with poorer countries in eastern Europe more resistant to reform than more prosperous countries in western Europe.  China’s provinces remain economically diverse and politically distinct, and this may form a barrier to establishing a national trading scheme.  A scenario in which there are separate regional schemes, each having its own rules and prices, with prices generally lower in poorer regions, seems at least as plausible as a fully national scheme, and perhaps more so.  There might be some linkage and trading between schemes, perhaps in the form of offsets, but this might not be enough to fully equalise prices.  Over time schemes might converge, and perhaps eventually merge, but this may take many years.  (Alternatively, differing regional carbon taxes might be introduced.)

Canada is the clearest example of distinct regional pricing in a single country.  Despite total 2011 emissions in Canada being only about 6% of China’s, Canada has three separate provincial carbon pricing schemes (British Columbia, Alberta and Quebec), with other provinces currently considering what, if anything, they might implement.   Any unification of these schemes seems a distant prospect.   Although British Columbia is, like Quebec, a member of the Western Climate Initiative it does not currently appear to be moving towards introduction of an ETS.

Among the barriers to unification of carbon pricing are the different economic structures and resource bases of Canadian provinces, for example hydropower rich Quebec contrasting with fossil fuel rich Alberta.  Similarly, differences in the economies and resource endowment of provinces across China may create persistent barriers to full integration of emissions trading schemes, although there may be greater commonality of design than between the Canadian carbon pricing schemes, which are notably diverse in their approaches to pricing.

Whichever model it chooses it seems clear that China is pursuing carbon pricing as an important component of its emissions reductions programme.  Carbon pricing will surely spread across the country.  And there may well be much in common between regional schemes, and increasing linkage.  But although a national price may emerge in the next few years it also appears possible that pricing could remain diverse for many years to come.

Adam Whitmore  –  17th June 2013   

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